PILTZENHOFFER wrote:
> Honest Aryan is an unrepentant white supremacist, yes.
   No. Libruls are the White supremacists.
   They believe that no matter how dumb Whites
behave, Big White Lefty will always be In Charge.
   I am a racist. Let me introduce you to some of
my friends:
http://newyorkmetro.com/nymetro/news/culture/features/1478/index.html
"Are Jews Smarter?
 Did Jewish intelligence evolve in tandem with Jewish diseases
 as a result of discrimination in the ghettos of medieval Europe?
 That's the premise of a controversial new study that has some
 preening and others plotzing. What genetic science can tell
 us-and what it can't.
 By Jennifer Senior
 What's Larry David's evidence for his exceptional brainpower?
 'To be paranoid, you need a very good imagination.' (Photo credit:
Jill Greenberg)
 This story begins, as it inevitably must, in the Old Country.
 At some point during the tenth century, a group of Jews abandoned
 the lush hills of Lucca, Italy, and-at the invitation of
 Charlemagne-headed for the severer climes of the Rhineland
 and Northern France. These Jews didn't have a name for
 themselves, at first. They were tied together mostly by
 kinship. But ultimately, they became known as Ashkenazim,
 a variation on the Hebrew word for one of Noah's grandsons.
 In some ways, life was good for the Jews in this strange
 new place. They'd been lured there on favorable terms, with
 promises of physical protection, peaceful travel, and the
 ability to adjudicate their own quarrels. (The charter of
 Henry IV, dated 1090, includes this assurance: 'If anyone
 shall wound a Jew, but not mortally, he shall pay one
 pound of gold . . . If he is unable to pay the prescribed
 amount . . . his eyes will be put out and his right hand
 cut off.') But in other ways, life was difficult. The
 Ashkenazim couldn't own land. They were banned from the
 guilds. They were heavily taxed.
 Yet the Ashkenazim did very well, in spite of these
 constraints, because they found an ingenious way to adapt
 to their new environment that didn't rely on physical labor.
 What they noticed, as they set up their towns, located
 mainly at the crossroads of trade routes, was that there
 was no one around to lend money.
 So there it was: a demand and a new supplier. Because of
 the Christian prohibition against usury, Jews found
 themselves a financially indispensable place in their new
 home, extending loans to peasants, tradesmen, knights,
 courtiers, even the occasional monastery. The records
 from these days are scarce. But where they exist, they
 are often startling. In 1270, for example, 80 percent of
 the 228 adult Jewish males in Perpignan, France, made
 their living lending money to their Gentile neighbors,
 according to Marcus Arkin's Aspects of Jewish Economic
 History. One of the most prolific was a rabbi. Two
 others were identified, in the notarial records, as 'poets.'
 Success at money-lending required a different set of
 skills than farming or any of the traditional trades.
 Some, surely, were social: cultivating connections,
 winning over trust (or maybe bullying your way there,
 Shylock's awful pound of flesh). It probably required
 some aggression, because the field was competitive,
 with Jews suffering so few professional options. But
 it also required cognitive skills, or something my
 generation would call numeracy-a fluency in mathematics,
 a dexterity with numbers-and my grandmother's generation
 would call 'a head for figures.' If you were Jewish in
 Perpignan in 1270, and you didn't have a head for
 figures, you didn't stand much of a chance.
 Numeracy, literacy, critical reasoning: For millennia,
 these have been the currency of Jewish culture, the
 stuff of Talmudic study, immigrant success, and
 Borscht Belt punch lines. Two Jews, three opinions
 . . . Keep practicing, you'll thank me later . . .
 Q: When does a Jewish fetus become a human? A: When
 it graduates from medical school.
 Of course, there's another side to this shining coin.
 Jewish cleverness has also been an enduring feature of
 anti-Semitic paranoia. In the sixteenth century, Martin
 Luther said Jewish doctors were so smart they could
 develop a poison that could kill Christians in a
 single day-or any other time period of their choosing
 (and four centuries later, Pravda suggested Jewish
 doctors were spies sent to kill Stalin). After the
 calamities of September 11, one of the creepier
 conspiracy theories to whip through the Muslim world
 was the idea that only Jews were cunning enough to
 have pulled off the hijackings.
 Last summer, Henry Harpending, an evolutionary anthropologist
 at the University of Utah, and Gregory Cochran, an
 independent scholar with a flair for controversy,
 skipped cheerfully into the center of this minefield.
 The two shopped around a paper that tried to establish
 a genetic argument for the fabled intelligence of Jews.
 It contended that the diseases most commonly found in
 Ashkenazim-particularly the lysosomal storage diseases,
 like Tay-Sachs-were likely connected to and, indeed,
 in some sense responsible for outsize intellectual
 achievement in Ashkenazi Jews. The paper contained
 references, but no footnotes. It was not written in the
 genteel, dispassionate voice common to scientific
 inquiries but as a polemic. Its science was mainly
 conjecture. Most American academics expected the thing
 to drop like a stone.
 It didn't. The Journal of Biosocial Science, published
 by Cambridge University Press, posted it online and
 agreed to run it in its bi-monthly periodical sometime
 in 2006. The New York Times, The Economist, and several
 Jewish publications risked their reputations to
 legitimize it. Today, the paper has a lively presence on
 the Internet-type 'Ashkenazi' into Google and the first hit
 is the Wikipedia entry, where the article gets pride of
 place.
 Ascribing an ethnic or racial explanation to any trait
 more ambiguous than skin color is by definition a
 dangerous idea, the kind of notion that can seep into
 the political arena with disastrous consequences.
 Institutionalized racism has always found sanction in
 the scientific community, from eminent biologist Louis
 Agassiz's racial typologies justifying slavery in the
 1850s, to the Nazi scientists' depraved use of calipers
 to establish Jewish inferiority, to psychologist Arthur
 Jensen's call in the sixties to stop funding Head Start
 because most of its poor, black recipients were
 intrinsically uncoachable.
 We may consider ourselves the products of a new, more
 enlightened age, and scientists may carry on with more
 sensitivity than they did in the past. Yet to invoke the
 genome as an explanation for anything more complicated
 than illness or the most superficial traits (like skin
 color) is still considered taboo, as Harvard president
 Larry Summers discovered when he suggested the reason
 for so few female math and science professors might
 lurk in scribbles of feminine DNA (rather than, say,
 the hostile climes of the classroom, the diminished
 expectations of women's parents, or a curious cultural
 receptivity to Pamela Anderson's charms).
 For this reason, and the fact that it did not meet the
 standards of traditional scientific scholarship,
 Harpending and Cochran's paper attracted a barrage of
 criticism from mainstream geneticists, historians,
 and social scientists.
 'It's bad science-not because it's provocative, but
 because it's bad genetics and bad epidemiology,' says
 Harry Ostrer, head of NYU's human-genetics program.
 'I see no positive impact from this,' says Neil Risch,
 one of the few geneticists who's dipped his oar into
 the treacherous waters of race and genetics. 'When the
 guys at the University of Utah said they'd discovered
 cold fusion, did that have a positive impact?'
 'I'd actually call the study bullshit,' says Sander
 Gilman, a historian at Emory University, 'if I didn't
 feel its idea were so insulting.'
 Cochran mirthfully bats their complaints away. 'I don't
 see what the big deal is here,' he says when I reach him
 at his New Mexico home. 'I haven't actually told people
 how to make a hydrogen bomb out of baking soda in their
 garages.'
 But there's no question that Cochran and Harpending
 knew what they were doing. They were advancing a theory
 with a patina of sexiness and political incorrectness,
 one that would generate a good deal of discussion.
 And that it did. Some of that discussion was positive,
 and some was not, as one might expect. That's always
 the problem with theories that exploit stereotypes-they're
 titillating, sure, but also handy refuges for the
 intellectually lazy. The trick is not to harden and grow
 cold as we turn backward, as sure as Lot's wife.
 'Albert Einstein is reputed to have said that 'Things
 should be described as simply as possible, but no simpler,''
 reads the first sentence of Natural History of Ashkenazi
 Intelligence. 'The same principle must be invoked in
 explaining Einstein himself.' The authors, clearly, have
 no fear of getting personal. Einstein, they seem to be
 saying. Need we say more? The man whose very name is a
 shorthand for genius was an Ashkenazi Jew.
 The world's proliferation of Einsteins-well, maybe not
 Einsteins exactly, but distinguished Jewish thinkers,
 particularly in math and the sciences-form the stark,
 quantifiable basis for Cochran and Harpending's hypothesis.
 Though Jews make up a mere 0.25 percent of the world's
 population and a mere 3 percent of the United States',
 they account, according to their paper, for 27 percent of
 all American Nobel Prize winners, 25 percent of all ACM
 Turing Award winners for computer science, and 50 percent
 of the globe's chess champions. (What the paper doesn't
 say is that these numbers seem to be tallied for optimum
 Jewishness, counting as Jews those who have as few as one
 Jewish grandparent to claim; it also wrongly assumes these
 winners are all Ashkenazim. But still.) Cochran and
 Harpending also cite studies claiming that Ashkenazim
 have the highest IQ of any ethnic group for which there's
 reliable data, perhaps as much as a full standard deviation
 above the general European average, which means, at the far
 end of the spectrum, that 23 per thousand Ashkenazim
 have an IQ over 140, as opposed to 4 per thousand Northern
 Europeans.
 Reading these numbers, I was reminded of a story a friend
 once told me about a peer of his at Cambridge who wearily
 dismissed the intellect of another student with a five-word
 declaration: 'Just your average Jewish genius'
 Most social scientists-and biological scientists, for
 that matter-would argue that a complex combination of
 culture, history, and religious tradition has been
 responsible for the steady, metronomic production of
 average Jewish geniuses. Cochran and Harpending make a
 different case.
 Their reasoning is straightforward enough: If the gene
 mutations responsible for diseases in Ashkenazim didn't
 confer some evolutionary selective advantage, they wouldn't
 persist. Cochran and Harpending liken these defective
 genes to the genes in Africans that often deform hemoglobin.
 Carrying one copy of the gene, most research suggests, helps
 ward off malaria-surely an adaptive advantage. Two copies,
 however, cause sickle-cell anemia.
 Cochran and Harpending reasoned the same must be true of
 the genes that cause illness among Ashkenazi Jews,
 particularly the four that cause mutations in the enzymes
 responsible for breaking down fats: Tay-Sachs, Niemann-Pick,
 Gaucher disease, and mucolipidosis type IV. Two copies cause
 devastating illness, but one, they speculate, mutely aids
 the carrier.
 How? By enhancing intelligence. Without this extra edge,
 they hypothesize, the Ashkenazim would never have survived.
 The Jews 'experienced unusual selective pressures that were
 likely to have favored increased intelligence,' they say.
 'Their jobs were cognitively demanding, since they were
 essentially restricted to entrepreneurial and managerial
 roles as financiers, estate managers, tax farmers, and
 merchants. These are jobs that people with an IQ below
 100 essentially cannot do.'
 'I have a stack of books, like four feet high, on all
 metabolic diseases,' Cochran tells me. 'And the four
 sphingolipid diseases affecting Ashkenazi Jews'-the ones
 he and Harpending believe enhance intelligence-"are all
 in the same chapter. That's like one in 100,000 odds.
 People could say it's chance, I suppose-in the same way
 it's chance that 27 percent of all of those guys go to
 Stockholm every year.'
 There's scant physical evidence for this assumption.
 But what the authors found was intriguing. Among the
 papers they unearthed were studies by Steven Walkley,
 a neuroscientist at Albert Einstein College of Medicine,
 that showed growth of additional dendrites in the tissues
 of humans and cats with Tay-Sachs and Niemann-Pick. They
 also cite a 1995 study in the Journal of Biological
 Chemistry that shows increased neural growth in the
 brains of rats with Gaucher disease. The authors
 decided to contact Ari Zimran, the head of the Gaucher
 Clinic at the Shaare Zedek Medical Center in Jerusalem.
 It turns out that 81 of his 255 working-age patients have
 jobs that require, by the author's estimates, an IQ of at
 least 120. Twenty-three are engineers, and fourteen are
 scientists-a number that, if it were consistent with the
 Israeli workforce, should be just six.
 Yet there are many who'd find a very different way of
 explaining the intelligence of these patients. They
 wouldn't invoke their extra dendrites. They'd invoke their
 mothers.
 To say that the Jews have a history of emphasizing
 scholarship is not just the fantasy of ethnic chauvinists
 and Woody Allen fans. To look at a single page of the
 Talmud is to understand this, with its main text at the
 center, its generations of rabbis arguing around the rim.
 The dialectic and critical reasoning are at its core.
 Growing up, most children in Jewish households are at
 least vaguely aware of their intellectual aristocracy-who
 do you think was counting all those Nobel Prize winners?
 The Swedes?-and if it's not the intellectuals they're aware
 of, it's the high-achieving Jews, the ones who killed on Dick
 Cavett, played lead guitar, helmed the Starship Enterprise.
 (The one season I attended Sunday school, one of my first
 assignments was to find the name of a Jewish celebrity;
 when I returned the following week with the name of Beverly
 Sills, rather than Gene Simmons, my teacher didn't find
 it the least bit strange.) All minorities have their
 private halls of fame, of course, but it was a Jew,
 Adam Sandler, who took this obsessive curatorial tendency
 and set it to music. 'David Lee Roth lights the menorah/
 So do James Caan, Kirk Douglas, and the late Dinah Shore-ah . . . '
 It's staggering what an emphasis on scholarship, both
 secular and religious, combined with a history of relentless
 displacement will do. One could argue it's a near-certain
 recipe for achievement. Just last month, Sherwin Nuland,
 author of How We Die, wrote a meticulous, almost
 pointillist essay for The New Republic explaining why
 Jewish doctors have been held in high esteem for centuries.
 (The title of the article: 'My Son, the Doctor.') He notes
 that physical healing has always been privileged by Jewish
 scripture, and therefore became the province of learned
 rabbis, the apotheosis of whom was Maimonides. If the
 Jews were expelled from a particular country, as they so
 often were, they could take their profession with them-
 medicine was divinely portable.
 From there, Nuland draws on the work of John Efron, a
 historian at the University of California at Berkeley,
 pointing out that once universities opened their doors to
 Jews, much of the Jewish emphasis on scholarship shifted
 from the religious to the secular, partly as a result of
 their tremendous desire for social respectability. At the
 fin de siècle, for example, Jews made up a mere 1 percent
 of the German population, but they made up 50 percent of
 all the doctors in Berlin and 60 percent of all the
 doctors in Vienna. 'It had to do with emerging from the
 ghetto,' says Efron, author of Medicine and the German Jews:
 A History.
 'There were enormous social pressures to succeed-part of
 the emancipation process was to show that Jews were good
 Europeans, good Austrians, and medicine was a universal,
 non-parochial science, where the barriers to entry were
 low but the prestige was enormously high. It's the same
 pattern you're seeing in the United States today, if you
 have a look at medical-school acceptances: There are much
 larger numbers of Asian and Indian students.' Numbers from
 the American Association of Medical Colleges bear this out:
 Today, 18 percent of all med students are Asian, as opposed
 to 6 percent just a dozen years ago.
 'I have always believed that the smartest people in
 the world are Asians,' declares Ed Koch, former mayor
 of New York (and, let's face it, a pretty smart Ashkenazi
 Jew). 'If you look at the special schools in New York City,
 they have so many. I think Stuyvesant's 40 percent Asian
 now, and Bronx Science is 50'-actually, 53 and 49 percent-
 'so this paper is something I question.'
 Jews have long debated the origin and nature of intelligence.
 In Kaddish, his beautiful book of aphorisms and ruminations
 about the rite of mourning, Leon Wieseltier notes that Rabbi
 Akiva postulated in the second century that sons inherit not
 just wealth, beauty, and strength from their fathers, but
 wisdom. Centuries later, Maimonides came to the opposite
 conclusion: It's 'great exertion' that makes us who we are.
 To attribute it to anything in our blood would trivialize
 our own agency, our hard work, our humanity. Wieseltier
 can't even countenance another point of view. 'The important
 question is, even if there is an Ashkenazi gene, what does
 it explain and what does it not explain?' he asks, when I
 reach him by phone. 'The idea that it explains intellectuality
 seems empirically and philosophically spurious. The world
 is riddled-riddled!-with dumb Ashkenazi Jews, so it's
 empirically false, and it's philosophically spurious
 because it flies in the face of human freedom and the
 belief in human freedom.'
 He thinks. 'We're living in a new golden age of scientism-
 the idea that there are scientific answers to all human
 questions,' he says. 'People are so rattled by the speed and
 complexity of their lives that they need rock-solid certainty.
 They cannot bear to live inconclusively. Religion provides
 one definitive answer; science provides another. The
 important thing for most people is to feel that the way they
 live is an inevitable outcome.'
 'I probably have a lot to say about this,' he concludes,
 'because I'm an Ashkenazi. So I must be really smart.'
 Harpending and Cochran are hardly the first scientists to
 suggest that the diseases of the Ashkenazim are the product
 of genetic selection. Until fairly recently, many geneticists
 believed these mutations may have helped protect Jews from
 tuberculosis, because the disease so frequently surfaced in
 ghettos, though no one has been able to show how these
 mutations protected Jews-or why neighboring non-Jewish
 populations didn't develop the same immunity.
 If geneticists are disinclined to believe a trait is the
 result of natural selection, they attribute it instead to
 something called genetic drift, a process by which a mutation,
 for some random reason, evolves in one population but not in
 another. The smaller the population, the more glaring this
 mutation will seem. Geographic isolation, for instance,
 can explain radical genetic differences-if two groups evolve
 in separate places with little intermingling, different
 mutations are bound to pop up and spread in each. Natural
 disasters are another explanation-a rock slide could kill
 off a species of purple petunias, say. Or-in the case of
 Jews-one of the founders of a small settlement has a lot
 of children, and these children have lots of children. What
 the founder doesn't know is that he or she has a gene mutation,
 like the one for Tay-Sachs. It takes hold and spreads, like
 an epidemic. (Geneticists call this 'the founder effect.')
 'Ashkenazi neurological diseases are hints of ways in
 which one could supercharge intelligence, so it seems
 likely we could develop pharmaceutical agents that had
 similar effects.'
 The problem with this theory, as Cochran and Harpending
 rather forcefully argue using mathematical models and a
 long disquisition about medieval Jewish economic history
 (starting from the expulsion of the Jews by King Dagobert
 of the Franks in 629), is that Tay-Sachs is just one of
 four sphingolipid diseases common to Jews, which seems
 like a rather unlikely coincidence. It suggests they
 all evolved for a reason, a similar reason. How could
 random mutations account for such a closely related
 cluster of ailments?
 'That's one of the ways this paper is actually strong,'
 says Sheila Rothman, a Columbia professor of public health
 who specializes in questions about genetics and group identity.
 'Geneticists don't have a great grasp of Jewish history.
 They often tend to cite each other. Sometimes they cite themselves.'
 It's not just social scientists who concede this part
 of the paper is strong. So, too, do many mainstream
 geneticists, who've never been entirely comfortable with
 the theory of genetic drift to explain so many
 interrelated diseases among Jews.
 'If these genes were shuffling randomly,' says Gregory
 Pastores, director of the neurogenetics unit at NYU, 'then
 why is it that we see the clustering of four diseases in
 Jews-Gaucher, Niemann-Pick, mucolipidosis type IV, and
 Tay-Sachs-when the genes are in different chromosomes
 entirely? They're not even next to one another.'
 But this doesn't mean that Pastores buys the message of the
 paper, and neither do most of his colleagues. Ostrer, from
 NYU, points out what he believes is a major flaw: The
 authors assume Jews are selected for sphingolipid diseases,
 and not for some other gene that may happen to be passed
 along with these diseases. 'Blocks of the genome are
 inherited together,' he explains. 'They're saying
 heterozygotes carrying these sphingolipid mutations are
 smarter. Fine. But who's to say it's that gene and not
 the gene next door? Or down the street?'
 Furthermore, the authors' hypothesis that what's being
 selected for is intelligence is a sexy guess, but it's
 based on almost nothing concrete-just a handful of smart
 Gaucher patients, some extra dendrites in cats, and a rat.
 'Jews have been accused of being frugal, cheap, aggressive,'
 says Neil Risch. 'There's a clear survival advantage to
 those traits too. Why not pick on those?'
 Risch is a big believer in genetic drift. He thinks the
 large number of mutations in Jews is random, coincidental,
 and has no causal relationship with the number of children
 they've had or why they've survived. He points out
 Ashkenazim are prone to other illnesses besides lysosomal
 storage diseases (such as clotting disorders and breast cancer).
 Anyway, what's so unique about Jews? Finns are prone to at
 least twenty diseases, as are French Canadians, Costa Ricans,
 Louisiana Acadians, the Amish, and European Gypsies. The
 Gypsies have interrelated diseases too, just like the Jews
 have interrelated sphingolipid disorders.
 Risch is underwhelmed. 'This is like saying, 'Because Europeans
 have a high rate of cystic fibrosis, hemochromatosis, and
 Crohn's disease, the genes for those disorders must cause
 great ability to play tennis,'' he says. 'And then the authors
 would come up with some elaborate theory about how those
 particular mutations are involved in hand-eye coordination,
 which allows for better retrieval of volleys.'
 Yet here's the irony: During the past year, the taboos
 surrounding the genetics of race and ethnicity have been
 significantly eroded, in no small part because of the efforts
 of Risch. A population geneticist at the University of California
 at San Francisco, a fiercely independent thinker, a fun gossip,
 and a liberal Jew, he published a paper in the American Journal
 of Human Genetics in February that rather boldly claimed that
 the races we claimed to be almost always corresponded with our
 continents of ancestry. It seemed to represent the consensus
 view that's slowly emerging among geneticists. Many have now
 stopped quarreling with the same vigor about whether race is or
 is not a genetic fact.
 'I am not sure that most geneticists have agreed to 'races' per
 se,' says Ostrer. 'But continental groups or clusters, yes.' To
 deny these clusters, he says, would be folly; it tells us to
 willfully ignore what all of us can see-that people look
 different all over the world. He quotes me a line from Jews:
 A Study in Race and Environment, written by his NYU predecessor,
 Maurice Fishberg: 'One can pick out a Jew from among a thousand
 non-Jews without difficulty.' Ostrer is now writing a book himself,
 about genetics and Jewish history. He has decided to call the
 first chapter 'Looking Jewish.'
 'There's no doubt their paper is polemical,' says David Goldstein,
 director of the Center for Population Genomics and Pharmacogenetics
 at Duke University. 'But just because it's polemical doesn't mean
 I'd be dismissive of everything they had to say. I think their
 paper's interesting.'
 Goldstein, in fact, seems to rather appreciate its Zeitgeist.
 'Until recently, most human geneticists almost . . . disallowed
 discussion about genetic differences among racial and ethnic groups,'
 he says. 'Really. So many awful things had been done with genetic
 research in this last century that they developed a policy of
 'Just say no.' But there's actually a lot of difference between
 groups, when you consider there are 10 million polymorphic sites
 on the genome. So it's not scientifically sound to rule out the
 possibility of differences corresponding to our geographic and
 ethnic heritages. It overlooks the basic point: The genome is
 just a huge place.'
 'If I had to choose between Jewish genes and Jewish mothers,'
 Goldstein hastens to add, 'I'd choose Jewish mothers.' (He has
both.)
 'But I would like us to carry out research in a way that doesn't
 imply that we have anything to be afraid of. That's what upsets
 me about the way this work has been approached in the past.'
 Using the notion of race, for example, has proved highly
 useful in medicine. Today, if you're an ambitious young
 geneticist, the world's awash in money to study racial
 difference and disease. It's even encouraged by statute,
 thanks to the Minority Health Disparities Act of 2000. This
 summer, the National Institutes of Health announced it was
 exploring links between African-Americans and elevated rates
 of prostate cancer; this spring, NitroMed introduced BiDil
 to reduce heart disease in African-Americans.
 'Historically, in medicine, white males have been the subjects
 of study,' says Risch. 'But you can't always apply to women and
 minorities [lessons] from them. You need to be inclusive. So
 while I'm always afraid people will misuse information about
 genetic differences, this is a positive development.'
 Just because pharmaceutical companies are developing race-specific
 drugs, however, doesn't mean race is the most useful way to parse
 genetic differences. The fact remains that there's more diversity
 within racial groups than between them. What does 'black' mean when
 discussing the 11,700,000-square-mile expanse of Africa? There
 are Pygmies and Nigerians, Zulus and Ethiopians. What, precisely,
 is a Mexican? Or-for that matter-a Semite?
 'BiDil is more effective for some, rather than all, African-American
 hypertensives,' says Ostrer. 'Race, in this context, should
 always be used as an interim measure to see us through a period
 of ignorance,' agrees Goldstein. 'Once we know the underlying
 genetic or environmental factors that influence individual
 responses, you consider those directly and ignore race.'
 Talk to most geneticists, and they'll say that it's a combination
 of genetics and environment that inevitably makes us who we are -
 attempts to link specific behaviors, aptitudes, and weaknesses to
 genes and genes alone almost always come up short. Lynn Jorde,
 professor of genetics at the University of Utah School of
 Medicine, gives but one example: For a while, it was assumed that
 a particular variant of monoamine oxidase caused antisocial
 behavior. Then several thousand children in New Zealand with this
 variant were followed for a period of more than twenty years.
 Researchers found that their subjects misbehaved only if they'd
 been abused as children-if they hadn't, there was none. 'We'll
 probably find that there are genes that influence behavior,'
 says Jorde. 'But I'm quite certain we won't find genes that
 determine behavior.'
 Risch noted something similar in Nature Genetics last year: Until
 recently, a famous study seemed to suggest that Asian children
 were more likely than Europeans to have absolute pitch. Then
 along came another study, this time showing that absolute pitch
 is most likely to manifest itself only if children take music
 lessons before the age of 6. No one in the first study had bothered
 to ask whether their Asian subjects were exposed earlier to music
 than their European counterparts.
 And that's just absolute pitch, easily measurable. Intelligence
 isn't even possible to define, except maybe in the sense that
 Justice Potter Stewart famously said of porn: He knew it when he
 saw it. Intelligence is almost impossible to model in animals. How
 do you create a brainy Jewish mouse? (Replicate Michael Eisner?)
 There's book-smart and street-smart; numbers-smart and
letters-smart.
 Matisse dreamed in paint, and Nabokov did magic tricks with words,
 but could either of them do multivariable calculus? How about
 calculate the tip on a bar bill?
 'The problem is with phenotype,' says David Rothman, a Columbia
 historian (and Sheila's husband). 'Take schizophrenia. There's
 four kinds listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
 Mental Disorders. Or take alcoholism. The phenotypes are also
 varied-there's weekend bingers, hard drinkers, occasional bingers.
 Depression comes in many phenotypes. I don't know where to begin
 with shyness. So intelligence? I'm baffled.'
 'More important,' he adds, 'I don't know where they get the idea
 that mercantile life and high IQs go together. I wouldn't mind
 IQ-testing the bulls of Wall Street to find this out.'
 In the 1860s, Francis Galton, a cousin of Charles Darwin and
 father of eugenics, argued that Protestants were smarter than
 Catholics because they let their smart offspring reproduce, rather
 than shipping them off to monasteries. The idea didn't hold up
 too well over time. In the early part of the twentieth century,
 the mathematician Norbert Wiener suggested Jews were smarter
 because the daughters of wealthy Jewish men were married off to
 scholarly rabbis, who went on to have more children. Then Lewis
 S. Feuer, a sociologist, came along and showed that wealthy Jews
 married other wealthy Jews. 'These were Fiddler on the Roof
 fantasies, a myth created by people in New York who romanticized
 the shtetl,' says Sander Gilman. 'The shtetls were horrible places.
 Do you think the man who wrote Tevye's story did it from a crummy
 little shtetl? No! He was sitting in the south of France on the
 Riviera. He's no fool.'
 'This study is putting forward one of these arguments you hear
 regularly but with new window dressing,' Gilman says. 'Today,
 that dressing is genetics. A hundred years ago, it was vitamins -
 as soon as they were discovered, everything was explained by a
 vitamin deficiency. Cancer. Schizophrenia. Hair loss.' He pauses.
 'Okay, not hair loss. I made that up. But you see my point.'
 So who, exactly, are these people who've caused such a fuss?
 Harpending is certainly the more conventional of the two: a
 tenured professor, a respected population geneticist, and a
 member of the National Academy of Sciences, an organization to
 which few slouches are accidentally admitted. When I speak to
 him on the phone, he sounds good-humored, cheerfully indifferent
 to academic niceties, and slightly bored. 'I wouldn't think of
 letting a grad student work on this,' he says. 'I'm very senior.
 I don't live off grants. If I were running a lab, dependent on
 funding from the NIH, this would be the kiss of death.'
 What do his colleagues think of his work?
 'They think it's probably right,' he says. 'But in public,
 their only reaction is a primate fear grimace.'
 But is that really the case? I ask Jorde what his colleagues
 in the Utah genetics lab thought of Harpending's study. He
 answers with extreme tact. 'Most of us work on very different
 kinds of things,' he says. 'It's really peripheral to our
 kinds of interests.'
 Cochran, however, is another matter. He's a bit of a wild card,
 a fellow who has developed a knack for pushing unorthodox
 notions under the aegis of more mainstream intellectual
 patrons. In the late nineties, he teamed up with a biologist
 at Amherst, Paul Ewald, to explore the possibility that many
 of the diseases we consider intractable are mere germs, which
 ultimately made them the subjects of a cover story in The
 Atlantic Monthly in 1999. (Their idea is less crazy than one
 might think; for years, surgeons removed stomachs to get rid
 of ulcers, only to discover they were caused by . . . a germ.)
 Cochran's latest kick, though, is population genetics. Although
 Natural History of Ashkenazi Intelligence is written with a
 modicum of academic restraint, his independent essays, posted
 online, are much more freewheeling, and they betray a much
 more unsettling agenda: '[I]f this is what I think it is,' he
 writes, in an essay called 'Overclocking,' the term programmers
 use to describe supercharging a computer's brain capacity by
 weakening it, 'all these Ashkenazi neurological diseases are
 hints of ways in which one could supercharge intelligence . . .
 so it seems likely that we could-if we wanted to-develop
 pharmaceutical agents that had similar effects.'
 To Cochran, in other words, Jews are the smart mice of history.
 The Times, The Economist, and every other media outlet somehow
 missed this when they first reported that Cochran and Harpending's
 paper had been accepted for publication. Or at least they chose
 not to report it. Nor did they choose to report another
 interesting fact: The Journal of Biosocial Science, though part
 of a family of Cambridge University Press publications, went by
 the name The Eugenics Review until 1968.
 'This guy is not some proto-Zionist,' says David Rothman. It was
 Rothman's researcher, Nate Drummond, who shrewdly unearthed this
 information about Cochran. 'What's driving him, as you read this,
 is bioengineering, not philo-Semitism.'
 So the plot thickens. At one point, I ask Cochran if he's
 serious about studying Jews in order to create 'pharmaceutical
 agents' for mankind's general intellectual enhancement. Has he
 thought about taking this idea to pharmaceutical companies?
 'I've thought about it halfway seriously,' he says, hesitating a
 bit. 'I'm probably not supposed to say. Because let's say it
 happens. Come patent time, I'll have told people.'
 So. Is this study good for the Jews? I talk to Abe Foxman,
 legendary head of the Anti-Defamation League, whose life's
 mission is the pristine upkeep of the Jewish reputation. His
 answer surprises me. 'If it's a genetic condition,' he says,
 'it's not for us to embrace or reject. It is what it is, and
 that's the way the genetic cookie crumbles.' I detect a note
 of pride in his voice.
 Of course, I recognize that tone. I've heard it in my own voice
 from time to time. When the site existed, I used to love poking
 around Jewhoo, a catalogue of prominent Jews in Western life.
 Then, in the middle of a Google search one day, I stumbled
 across jewwatch.com and discovered that under one if its many
 rubrics-Jewish Controlled Entertainment-was a nearly identical
 list.
 Freud and Marx, Einstein and Bohr, Mendelssohn and Mahler.
 The brothers Gershwin. The brothers Marx. Woody Allen. Bob
 Dylan. Franz Kafka. Claude Lévi-Strauss. Bobby Fischer. Jews
 may take tremendous pride in their aristocracy, but we
 fetishize it at our own peril; to suggest that we're chosen,
 rather than that we make our own choices, curdles quickly into
 a useful argument for anti-Semites who'd love to claim that
 the objects of their derision are immutable vermin. It can't
 be an accident that the most aggressive debunkers of Jewish
 essentialism, including the participants in this story, are
 generally Jews themselves. The arguments come in handy when
 the ugly stuff is trotted out, too.
 Personally, I'm always struck by how many Jews confess to a
 certain ambivalence about the volume and visibility of their
 accomplishments, as if there were something slightly vulgar
 or shameful about them. The friend who introduced me to Jewhoo
 confided that a friend of his, also Jewish, kept a list of
 Jews he wished were not. I realized I kept the same mental
 list. (Andy Fastow, the crook from Enron, is currently No. 1.)
 A few years ago, I myself lunged for the easy joke when a
 non-Jewish friend asked what I did the summer I attended - for
 one miserable season only, I'd like to stress - Jewish summer
 camp. Oh, I told him. More or less what you'd expect.
 Banking lessons rather than canoeing, moot court rather than
 color wars. Recently, I also found myself quoting - with
 relish - Sarah Silverman's reaction to being taken to task
 by a watchdog group for using the word chink in her stand-up:
 'As a Jew, I'm really, really nervous we're losing control of
 the media.'
 Perhaps one of the most subtle, insidious things about Cochran
 and Harpending's study is how it plays off a bias privately
 held by many Jews themselves - that the Ashkenazim are in fact
 intellectual superiors, and the Sephardim, originally from the
 Iberian Peninsula, are the handlers, the shylocks, the
 merchants of 47th Street.
 Q: How do you tell the difference between an Ashkenazi and a
 Sephardi?
 A: Show him a chessboard.
 This, even though Maimonides, arguably the most influential
 Jewish thinker to ever live, was a Sephardi, and the Sephardim
 have a perfectly dazzling intellectual history of their own.
 From the eighth to the eleventh centuries, Spanish Jews served
 in the courts, served as doctors to the caliphs, and translated
 all manner of texts, converting Greek and Hebrew into Arabic,
 and Arabic into Romance languages.
 Yet in America, that sense of otherness, which for so long has
 served as a kind of incentive to strive and achieve, may be
 dissipating. 'I'm no demographer, but I think what's happened
 in the U.S. is the normalization of the Jew,' says Leon Botstein,
 who, as the president of Bard College, has seen all sorts of
 students cross his field of vision. 'They've become as complacent
 and culturally undistinguished as the average, suburban, white
 middle-class American.'
 And maybe that's the price we pay for our current freedoms. Not,
 as Seinfeld or Larry David might say, that there's anything
 wrong with that."
--
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